.Google Documens (p80:pdf) :
.Google Documens (p61:pdf) :
Global Trend in Sustainable Energy Investment 2010
Analysis of Trends and Isssues in the Financing of RenewableEnergy and energy Efficiency
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【Let's create hopeful future.】

Prisident Obama 氏の支援グループへの私の過去のメール

President Obama 氏の支援グループへの私のメール
How do you do. 
 My name is yuuji matuoka , as a civil ocean engineer in japan , age 61. I want to show my presentation about the ocean development aiming at making the peaceful world to the President of Obama USA. ( : My this presentation is always my lifework. ) How do you come to be able to do it from poor life in rich life? How to change to be able to do it from the poor people to the plentful people? The Ocean Development was presented by J.F.Kennedy before about 40 years ago. Here are many objects on the subjects in these difficult big projects, but I believe it will be possible and succeed. Those many projects will be able to make up many jobs for worldwide people. The best leader will be present both The hope and The Dream for many people believing the leader. Please show to USA President Obama my presentation. I hope USA President Mr.Obama will succeed as Best excellent top leader in the world at 21century.
This is my presentation. : 私の海洋開発提案 : ノアの箱舟を創ろう-Super Floating Structure

OREC- Ocean Renewable Energy Coalition

OREC- Ocean Renewable Energy Coalition
Ocean Renewable Energy Coalition
President Obama Announces Ocean Task Force On June 12, 2009, President Obama announced the formation...
Markey/Waxman legislation on Climate Change Released; News for Marine Renewables Developers On May 15, 2009, Representatives Waxman and Markey...
Congressional Renewable Energy & Energy Efficiency EXPO & Forum SUSTAINABLE ENERGY COALITION MARK YOUR CALENDAR ...
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メールで、私に a business co-operation and your assistance の協力の申し出が米国系の機関(Wright Matthew)からありました。 2010.5.19
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From: Wright Matthew Sent: Monday, May 17, 2010 6:06 PM To: undisclosed-recipients: Subject: I need your co-operation
I need your co-operation
Hello , I am writing to you for a business co-operation and your assistance . I have some money, i will like to invest with you in your country on a good areas you could choose . I will give you further details when i read from you. I secured your contact through a directory and that is why I have written to ask for a business co-operation with you. I await your response.
Thank you. Wright Matthew.
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Matt R. Simmons to Address GMREC III during Thursday, April 15th Luncheon
March 12, 2010 by TMarieHilton
Filed under Announcements, Blog, OREC Newsroom
Matthew R. Simmons is Chairman Emeritus of Simmons & Company International, a specialized energy investment banking firm. The firm has completed approximately 770 investment banking projects for its worldwide energy clients at a combined dollar value in excess of $140 billion.
Mr. Simmons was raised in Kaysville, Utah. He graduated cum laude from the University of Utah and received an MBA with Distinction from Harvard Business School. He served on the faculty of Harvard Business School as a Research Associate for two years and was a Doctoral Candidate.
Mr. Simmons began a small investment bank/advisory firm in Boston. Among his early clients were several subsea service companies. By 1973, almost all of his clients were oil service companies. Following the 1973 Oil Shock, Simmons decided to create a Houston-based firm to concentrate on providing highest quality investment banking advice to the worldwide oil service industry. Over time, the specialization expanded into investment banking covering all aspects of the global energy industry.
SCI’s offices are located in Houston, Texas; London, England; Boston, Massachusetts; Aberdeen, Scotland and Dubai, UAE. In 2007, Mr. Simmons founded The Ocean Energy Institute in Mid-Coast Maine. The Institute’s focus is to research and create renewable energy sources from all aspects of our oceans.
Simmons serves on the Board of Directors of Houston Technology Center (Houston) and the Center for Houston’s Future (Houston). He also serves on The University of Texas’ M.D. Anderson Cancer Center Foundation Board of Visitors (Houston) and is a Trustee of the Bermuda Institute for Ocean Sciences. In addition, he is past Chairman of the National Ocean Industry Association. Mr. Simmons is a past President of the Harvard Business School Alumni Association and a former member of the Visiting Committee of Harvard Business School. He is a member of the National Petroleum Council, Council on Foreign Relations and The Atlantic Council of the United States. Mr. Simmons is a Trustee of the National Trust for Historic Preservation, The Island Institute and Farnsworth Art Museum in Maine.
Mr. Simmons’ recently published book Twilight in the Desert: The Coming Saudi Oil Shock and the World Economy has been listed on the Wall Street Journal’s best-seller list. He has also published numerous energy papers for industry journals and is a frequent speaker at government forums, energy symposiums and in boardrooms of many leading energy companies around the world.
Mr. Simmons is married and has five daughters. His hobbies include watercolors, cooking, writing and travel.
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Economic Development :


Economic Development

Downtown Lusaka, Zambia (best city in the world!)

For many lay people, economic development - by which we mean the analysis of the economic progress of nations - is what economics as a whole is designed to address. Indeed, what but to find the "nature and causes" of economic development was Adam Smith's purpose? For modern economists, however, the status of economic development is somewhat more uncomfortable: it has always been the maverick field, lurking somewhere in the background but not really considered "real economics" but rather an amalgam of sociology, anthropology, history, politics and, all-too- often, ideology.

Nonetheless, few of the greatest economists actually ignored it outright. As already noted, Adam Smith and indeed, perhaps the entire ClassicalSchool was concerned with what might be termed "economic development". Schumpeter's first famous book was entitled a Theory of Economic Development (1911). The German Historical School - and its English and American counterparts - could very well be deemed part of development economics. The entire theory of economic growth can be said to be geared towards it or even underlying it.
Nonetheless, "economic development", as it is now understood, really only started in the 1930s when, prompted by Colin Clark's 1939 quantitative study, economists began realizing that most of humankind did not live in an advanced capitalist economic system. However, the great early concern was still Europe: namely, postwar European reconstruction and the industrialization of its eastern fringes - as exemplified by the pioneering 1943 article of Paul Rosenstein- Rodan and Kurt Mandelbaum's 1947 tome. It was only some time after the war that economists really began turning their concerns towards Asia, Africa and Latin America.

To this end, decolonization was an important catalyst. Faced with a new plethora of nations whose standards of living and institutions were so different from the European, modern development theory, by which we mean the analysis not only of growth but also of the institutions which could induce, sustain and accelerate growth, began in earnest. Early development theorists - such as Bert Hoselitz, Simon Kuznets, W. Arthur Lewis, HlaMyint were among the first economists to begin analyzing economic development as a distinct subject.
The post-war formation of the United Nations - and its attendant agencies, such as the World Bank, the I.M.F., the I.L.O. and the various regional commissions - proved to be another important impetus. The commissioning of numerous studies by these institutions led to the emergence of a non-academic strand of development theory.

Development as Growth and Capital-Formation
Early economic development theory was but merely an extension of conventional economic theory which equated "development" with growth and industrialization. As a result, Latin American, Asian and African countries were seen mostly as "underdeveloped" countries, i.e. "primitive" versions of European nations that could, with time, "develop" the institutions and standards of living of Europe and North America.

As a result, "stage theory" mentality of economic development dominated discussions of economic development. As later made famous by Alexander Gerschenkron (1953, 1962) and, more crudely, Walt W. Rostow (1960), the stages theories argued that all countries passed through the same historical stages of economic development and that current underdeveloped countries were merely at an earlier stage in this linear historical progress while First World (European and North American) nations were at a later stage. "Linear stages" theories had been developed earlier byGerman Historicists, thus it ought not be surprising to find historians, such as Gerschenkron and Rostow, among its main adherents.
More enlightened attempts to arrive at an empirical definition of the concept of "underdevelopment", as exemplified by the work of Hollis Chenery, Simon Kuznets and Irma Adelman, led to the general conclusion that while there were not explicit "linear stages", countries tended nonetheless to exhibit similar patterns of development, although some differences could and did persist. The task of the development economist, in this light, was to suggest "short-cuts" by which underdeveloped countries might "catch up" with the developed and leap over a few stages.

By equating development with output growth, early development theorists, prompted by Ragnar Nurkse (1952), identified capital formation as the crucial component to accelerate development. The celebrated early work on the "dual economy" by Sir W. Arthur Lewis (1954, 1955) precisely stressed the role of savings in development. Early Keynesians, such as Kaldor and Robinson, attempted to call attention to the issue of income distribution as a determinant of savings and growth. Even modern Marxians such as Maurice Dobb (1951, 1960) focused on the issue of savings-formation.

Of course, savings could themselves be manipulated by government intervention - as Lewis had intimated and the Keynesians insisted. Indeed, earlier, Rosenstein-Rodan (1943) had argued that increasing returns to scale made government-directed industrialization feasible. The notion of turning "vicious circles" of low savings and low growth into "virtuous circles" of high savings and high growth by government intervention was reiterated by Hans W. Singer in his doctrine of "balanced growth" and Gunnar Myrdal in his theory of "cumulative causation". Thus, government involvement - whether by planning, socio-economic engineering or effective demand management - was regarded as a critical tool of economic development.

Other economists turned to international trade as the great catalyst to growth. Already Hla Myint, Gottfried Haberler and Jacob Viner had stressed this avenue - arguing along lines similar to the classical doctrine of Adam Smith that trade and specialization can increase the "extent of the market". However, earlier in the 1930s, D.H. Robertson had expressed his doubts on this account - and these were later reiterated by RagnarNurkse, H.W. Singer and R�ul Prebisch.

Social Aspects of Economic Development
Although capital-formation never really left the field, the meaning of the term mutated somewhat over time. T.W. Schultz, drawing upon his famousChicago School thesis, turned away from physical capital accumulation to emphasize the need for "human capital" formation. This led to an emphasis on education and training as pre-requisites of growth and the identification of the problem of the "brain drain" from the Third World to the First (and, as would later be stressed, from the private sector to government bureaucracies). W. Arthur Lewis and Hans W. Singer extended Schultz's thesis by arguing that social development as a whole - notably education, health, fertility, etc. - by improving human capital, were also necessary pre-requisites for growth. In this view, industrialization, if it came at the cost of social development, could never be self-sustaining.

However, it was really only in 1969 that Dudley Seers finally broke the growth fetishism of development theory. Development, he argued, was a social phenomenon that involved more than increasing per capita output. Development meant, in Seers's opinion, eliminating poverty, unemployment and inequality as well. SingerMyrdal and Adelman were among the first old hands to acknowledge the validity of Seers's complaint and many younger economists, such as Mahbub ul Haq, were galvanized by Seers's call to redefine economic development. Thus, structural issues such as dualism, population growth, inequality, urbanization, agricultural transformation, education, health, unemployment,etc. all began to be reviewed on their own merits, and not merely as appendages to an underlying growth thesis.

Particularly worthy of note was the resurrection of the work of Chayanov on the unique structures of peasant economies. Also emergent, in this period, was a debate on the very desirability of growth. E.F. Schumacher, in a famously provocative popular book, Small is Beautiful (1973), argued against the desirability of industrialization and extolled the merits of handicrafts economies. As the world environmental crisis became clearer in the 1980s, this debate took a new twist as the very sustainability of economic development was questioned. It became clear that the very desirability of development needed to be reconsidered.

Structuralism and its Discontents
Before Seers's complaint, many economists had already felt extraordinarily uncomfortable with early development theory and the implicit assumptions behind "stages" reasoning. A new (or old - depending on one's vantage point) idea began to germinate - what may be loosely termed "structuralism". The "structuralist" thesis, succinctly, called attention to the distinct structural problems of Third World countries: underdeveloped countries, they argued, were not merely "primitive versions" of developed countries, rather they had distinctive features of their own. As mentioned, Chenery had argued a similar thesis, but nonetheless focused on the similarities of experience. The newer structuralists, in contrast, sought to bring attention to the differences. Albert O. Hirschmann (1958) was one of the early few who stressed the need for country-specific analysis of development - as was stressed later by Dudley Seers.

One of these distinctive features was that, unlike European industrialization, Third World industrialization was supposed to occur while these countries existed alongside already- industrialized Western countries and were tied to them by trade. This, speculated a few, could give rise to distinct structural problems for development.

Coincidental with H.W. Singer, the UNCLA economist, Ra�l Prebisch, formulated the famous "dependency" theory of economic development, wherein he argued that the world had developed into a "center-periphery" relationship among nations, where the Third World was regressing into becoming the producer of raw materials for First World manufacturers and were thus condemned to a peripheral and dependent role in the world economy. Thus, Prebisch concluded, some degree of protectionism in trade was necessary if these countries were to enter a self-sustaining development path. Import-substitution, enabled by protection and government policy, rather than trade and export-orientation, was the preferred strategy. Historical examples of government-directed industrialization, such as Meiji Japan and Soviet Russia, were held up as proof that there was not only one path to development, as had been implied by the cruder "stages" theories.
The Prebisch-Singer thesis resounded with particularly with Marxian thinkers - who identified elements of Rosa Luxemburg's and V.I. Lenin'sarguments on imperialism in it. Breaking with savings-obsessed orthodox Marxian thinkers such as DobbNeo-Marxians such as Paul Baran, PaulSweezy, A.G. Frank and Samir Amin took the Prebisch-Singer thesis, merged it the Luxemburg thesis, and drew it into the modern era.  Many Third World governments adopted the language and policies of the structuralists and/or the Neo-Marxians in the 1960s and 1970s, and indeed, the movement seemed to have been eminently influential. "Neo-Colonialism", "core-periphery" and "dependency" were the catch-words of the day.

However, as time moved on, these policies seemed to fail to yield their promised fruit, and a Neoclassical (or, more accurately, Neo-Liberal) countermovement initiated by the lone voices of P.T. Bauer, I.M.D. Little, Deepak Lal, Bela Balassa, Anne Krueger and Harry G. Johnson began to gain more adherents. Their thesis was simple: government intervention did not only not improve development, it in fact thwarted it. The emergence of huge bureaucracies and state regulations, they argued, suffocated private investment and distorted prices making developing economies extraordinarily inefficient. In their view, the ills of unbalanced growth, dependency, etc. were all ascribed to too much government dirigisme, not too little.

In recent years, the Neoclassical thesis has gained greater adherence, particularly in Latin America. However, the evidence is still ambivalent and disputed. Both structuralists and counter-structuralists point to fast East Asian development and disastrous African experience as proofs of their directly opposing theses.

Early Development Theorists
  • Kurt Mandelbaum
    • Industrialization of Backward Areas, 1947.
    • One of the pioneers of development theory. His 1947 book, however, concentrated on Eastern European development.
  • Jacob Viner, 1892-1970.
Development, Planning and Economic Growth
  • Sir W. Arthur Lewis, 1915-1990.
  • Maurice H. Dobb, 1900-1976.
Social Development
  • Mahbub Ul-Haq
    • "Employment and Income Distribution in the 1970s: A new perspective", 1972, Development Digest
Structuralism and Neo-Marxian Theory
  • Celso Furtado, 1920-
    • Economic Growth of Brazil, 1963.
    • "The Concept of External Dependence in the Study of Underdevelopment", 1973, in Wilber, editor, Political Economy of Development and Underdevelopment.
    • Brazilian economist and expounder of the "dependency" thesis of development.
  • Andre Gunder Frank, 1929-
  • Harry Magdoff
  • Arghiri Emmanuel
Contra-Structuralism: the Neo-Liberal School
  • Lord Peter Thomas Bauer, 1915-
  • Anne Krueger
  • Deepak K. Lal, 1940-
    • "The Foreign Trade Bottleneck Revisited: a geometric note", 1972, EDCC
    • Methods of Project Appraisal, 1974.
    • Appraising Foreign Investment in Developing Countries, 1975.
    • "Distribution and Development", 1976, World Dev Rev
    • Unemployment and Wage Inflation in Industrial Economies, 1977.
    • Prices for Planning: Towards a reform of Indian planning, 1980.
    • "A Liberal International Economic Order", 1980, Princeton Essays in International Finance
    • The Poverty of Development Economics
    • Oxford-trained development economist, one of the more vociferous opponents of the structuralist/dependency theory of development. Exploiter of the theory of the "second best" to the analysis of development policy and author of several practical tracts on economic planning.
Resources on Economic Development

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